Whither the Muslim World’s NATO?


Source: Dawn

By James M. Dorsey

Controversy and doubt over the possible appointment of a Pakistani indefinite as commander of a 40-community, Saudi-led, anti-Iranian military federal compact dubbed the Muslim world’s NATO goes to the essence of a struggle for Pakistan’s life as the country reels from a week of stepped up national violence.

It also constitutes a defining force in Saudi relations with Pakistan, historically common of the Gulf state’s staunchest allies and a unrefined where the kingdom is as a great quantity part of the problem as it is portion of the solution. Finally, whether the usual accepts the post or not is agreeable to be a bellwether of the Muslim world’s vigor to free itself of the devastating striking of Saudi-like Sunni ultra-conservatism and build a ~ over rather than exasperate sectarian divides.

Retired Pakistani soldierly chief of staff General Raheel Sharif’s favorable reception of the command of the affiliation, the Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism, would kill several birds with one stone. The relation, created in 2015 to bolster Saudi Arabia’s sum of ~ units-year old, flailing intervention in Yemen and calculator Iran, has so far largely been a essay tiger.

The alliance has staged military exercises that appeared to target Iran moreover has not yet established a space between two ~s command or command infrastructure. The agreement of General Shareef could potentially support the alliance evolve into a drive that is credible, assuming that he be possible to overcome widespread hesitancy towards it across the Muslim world.

In personal conditions, the appointment would award Mr. Sharif conducive to opposing the Pakistani parliament  exclusion in 2015 of a Saudi request for military support in Yemen.

The decision took Saudi Arabia by surprise given that Pakistan has been unit of the world’s foremost beneficiaries, whether not the largest, of Saudi sway and non-governmental largess and its appurtenance on remittances from Pakistani workers in the supreme power.

The appointment of General Sharif would have also been a favour to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, a partisan and businessman with close ties to the province who like the general favoured Pakistani soldiery support in Yemen. It would put an end to the popular general as a in posse political rival of the prime administrator . Namesakes, Messrs Sharif are not kindred to one another.

The uncertainty with regard to General Raheel’s appointment that has been protracted since it was first announced sum of ~ units months ago, and then been called into verbal contest is indicative of strains in relations between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, once the closest of nations in the Muslim creation.

In a telling tale of the state of things , remittances to Pakistan from Saudi Arabia dropped 5.8 percent above the top the last seven months while cheaper and good in a higher degree trained Indians and Bangladeshis have begun to supply the want of Pakistani manpower. Moreover, Saudi Arabia has deported 39,000 Pakistanis from that time October as part of its crackdown without ceasing militants.

Abdullah Ghulzar Khan, a Pakistani national who lived in Saudi Arabia for 12 years, last year blew himself up in a parking doom near the US consulate in the Red Sea presence of Jeddah. Fifteen Pakistanis have after been arrested on suspicion of conscious militants. Two of them were believed to have existence part of a plot to have at the city’s Al-Jawhara Stadium through a truck carrying 400 kg of explosives for the time of a Saudi Arabia-UAE soccer mate that was attended by 60,000 spectators.

The arrests like the rehearsal of Tashfeen Malik, the Pakistani woman who arm in arm with her American-Pakistani husband, gunned into a denser consistence 14 people in San Bernardino, California, in December 2015, rehearse a much bigger tale about the risks inherent in Saudi backing at home and abroad, including Pakistan, of puritan, supremacist interpretations of Islam.

Ms. Malik moved through her parents to Saudi Arabia at the time she was a toddler to elude sectarian skirmishes and family disputes. In the kingdom, the family turned its back forward its Sufi and Barelvi traditions that included visiting shrines, honouring saints and enjoying Sufi catalepsy music, practices rejected by the rule’s austere Wahhabi form of Islam‎. The vary sparked tensions with relatives in Pakistan, whom the Maliks accused in Wahhabi form of rejecting the oneness of God through revering saints.

Ms. Malik turned uniform more conservative when she returned to Pakistan in 2009 to study pharmacology. She started attending sentiment of faith classes at a branch of Al-Huda (The Correct Path) International Welfare Foundation, a controversial academy that has made significant inroads into Pakistan’s upper and central part classes, and propagates an ideology corresponding to that of Saudi Arabia.

In a statement after the San Bernardino attack, Al Huda described itself because “a non-political, non-narrow and non-profit organisation which is tirelessly serving human spirit by promoting education along with large welfare programmes for the needy and needy.” It said that it “does not be favored with links to any extremist regime and stands to advance peaceful message of Islam and denounces extremism, rape and terrorism of all kinds.” The institution said that it could not exist held responsible for “personal acts “of its students.

To exist sure, Al Huda like Sunni beyond-conservatism in its various guises does not grow violence by definition. Yet, like ~ one inward-looking, intolerant and supremacist doctrine that all ideas are evolved from elementary sensations it creates potential breeding grounds in a given obstinate of circumstances. Similarly, as in the predicament of the Islamic State (IS) or Al Qaeda, the shared basic tenets of extremist-conservatism has lead to the arrangement of groups that have turned in c~tinuance Saudi Arabia itself.

A newly formed union of IS and Pakistani Taliban that strives to enjoin strict Islamic law was responsible as being the series of attacks in the remain week that killed 83 people at a Sufi altar in southern Punjab and targeted the Punjabi british legislature, military outposts, a Samaa TV crew, and a unpolished police station.

Complicating Pakistan’s struggle by militancy is the fact that weighty, decades-long backing of ultra-conservativism ~ means of successive Pakistani political, military and knowledge leaders and Saudi Arabia has made it portion of the fabric of significant segments of Pakistani the community and education as well as key branches of the ruling power and arms of the state.

That coupled with geopolitics and Pakistan’s increasingly troubled relation with its religious and ethnic minorities is precisely which makes the proposed appointment of General Raheel in the same state problematic.

Pakistan, a country with a ~ing border with Iran and the world’s largest Shiite smaller number, has long been a major frontline in Saudi Arabia’s almost four-decade long covert proxy armed conflict of powers with the Islamic republic, dating back to the 1979 Islamic revolution. Saudi Arabia, in cooperation with the Pakistani soldierly and intelligence as well as elder government officials, has long backed fighting sectarian groups that have helped push Pakistan towards Sunni beyond-conservatism and are responsible for a liberal number of deaths among Shiites, Ahmadis, Sufis and others.

General Raheel’s station would bring the chicken home to lodge. By taking the command, General Raheel would accord. the alliance the credibility it needs:  a non-Arab commander from single in kind of the world’s most populous Muslim countries who commanded not without more one of the Muslim world’s largest militaries, no more than also one that possesses nuclear arms. The appointment would build on decades of Pakistani army support of Saudi Arabia dating back to ~fare in Yemen in the late 1960s.

Yet, accepting the order would put Pakistan more firmly than continually in the camp of Saudi-led confrontation with Iran that Saudi political and religious leaders as well as their fighting Pakistani allies often frame not merely in geopolitical but also sectarian conditions. Ultimately, it was that step that the Pakistani british legislature rejected in 2015 when it refused to launch troops to Yemen. Acceptance of the exact by General Raheel would fly in the countenance of parliament’s decision.

Pakistani Shiite leaders viewed like well as some Sunni politicians own warned that General Raheel’s designation to office would put an end to Pakistan’s competency to walk a fine line between Saudi Arabia and Iran. 

It could uplift the stakes in Balochistan, the large extent bordering Iran where separatists are agitating concerning independence and China has invested billions of dollars like part of its One Belt, One Road power to originate.

Pakistani news reports suggest that General Raheel has sought to assuage the risk by setting conditions that are unpromising to be acceptable to Saudi Arabia, including that Iran exist invited to join the alliance and that he exist the mediator in disputes among affinity members with no need to communicate to a higher i.e. Saudi precept. Iran reportedly advised Pakistan that it would operate with General Raheel if he took the require to reach a negotiated resolution of the Yemen the last argument of kings.

Saudi Foreign Minister Adel Al-Jubeir, in a oration last weekend to the Munich Security Conference, laid to the end a vision that rules out General Raheel’s opinion. “Iran remains the biggest magnificence sponsor of terrorism in the cosmos. Iran has as part of its formation the principle of exporting the successful revolt. Iran does not believe in the principle of citizenship. It believes that the Shiite, the ‘dispossessed’, since Iran calls them, all belong to Iran and not to their countries of source. And this is unacceptable for us 

in the department, for our allies in the Gulf and beneficial to any country in the world… So, until and unless Iran changes its behaviour, and changes its watch-tower, and changes the principles upon what one. the Iranian state is based, it command be very difficult to deal with a country like this.,” Mr. Al-Jubeir said.

Dr. James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, co-guide of the University of Würzburg’s Institute by reason of Fan Culture, and the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog, a book by the same title, Comparative Political Transitions betwixt Southeast Asia and the Middle East and North Africa, co-authored with Dr. Teresita Cruz-Del Rosario and a forthcoming part, Shifting Sands, Essays on Sports and Politics in the Middle East and North Africa


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